In
the early autumn of the year 9 CE a battle took place in what is now
Germany, a battle that is one of the most significant and decisive in
history. The effect that the result of this battle had on the
development of Europe and, therefore, of the world was profound. The
greatest military machine that the world had ever seen lost about 10%
of its fighting power in the space of a few days. This battle, and
its consequences, have fascinated me for years. It is this battle
about which I wish to write.
The
battle is known as the Battle of the Teutoberg Forest. A Roman
expeditionary force was ambushed and destroyed by an alliance of
Germanic tribes.
I
intend to write this piece by focusing on the questions of when,
where, who, what, how and when as my guide. Some of these questions
can be answered simply and clearly, answers to others will be blended
into the text as I go.
I
am not providing references or notes by the way. I could, but I am
not, this is a blog not an academic paper.
When:
The
battle took place in the early autumn, probably September, of the
year 9 CE. So it will soon be the 2006th anniversary of
the battle. For the Romans the year was the Year
of the Consulship of Sabinus and Camerinus
(or,
762
Ab
urbe condita
– 'From
the Founding of the City'
– i.e., Rome).
It
was the 36th
year of the reign of the Emperor Augustus. What
it was for the Germans is unknown.
The
site of the engagement was the Teutoberg Forest in what is now
Germany. For many years the exact location was unknown and many, many
possibilities were touted. However, in the 1990's German
archaeologists discovered the exact location, a site with many finds
that shed a great deal of light on the battle. The location is
Kalkriese,
a hill with an altitude of 157m situated near Bramsche
in
the district of Osnabrück, Lower Saxony, Germany.
Between
the year 12 BCE and the year 6 CE the Romans had carried out several
large scale campaigns against the Germanic tribes between the rivers
Rhine and Elbe. The intention was to assimilate this area as new
provinces within the Roman Empire. By 9 CE it appeared that many of
the tribes within this zone were pacified and ready for
'Romanisation'.
Rome had alliances with several of the tribes.
The
area that the Romans called Germania
was bounded on the west by the River Rhine, on the south by the River
Danube, on the East by the River Elbe and on the north by the Baltic
Sea. This area they called Germania
Magna,
or Greater
Germany,
to distinguish it from Lesser
Germany
just to the west of the Rhine. Lesser Germany was a part of the Roman
Empire at this time, divided into the provinces of Germania
Inferior
and Germania
Superior.
The
use of the word Germania
seems to have started around the time of Julius Caesar and refers to
a group of tribes that had things in common, from the Roman
perspective at least. In the same way that Romans grouped all the
tribes of Gaul as 'Gauls'.
The Gallic tribes were Celtic, but the Germanic tribes had moved in
from much further east in waves of migration up to about 100 BCE. In
fact, it may well have been a Gaulish term originally, for the tribes
across the Rhine, that Caesar adopted.
There
were many tribes in Germania, some large, and some small. By Roman
standards they were most definitely primitive barbarians. The
population was very thinly spread living in small communities
consisting
of
up to ten or so long houses in clearings in the dense primal forest,
or
on
the banks of lakes, rivers or marshes.
They
lived by agriculture and animal husbandry. This was supplemented by
some hunting, fishing and so on. Each long house was, in essence,
home to an extended family, or clan, and was the centre of their
farm.
Julius
Caesar described the German tribes as follows:
“[The
Germani] have neither Druids
to
preside over sacred offices, nor do they pay great regard to
sacrifices. They rank in the number of the gods those alone whom they
behold, and by whose instrumentality they are obviously benefited,
namely, the sun, fire, and the moon; they have not heard of the other
deities even by report. Their whole life is occupied in hunting and
in the pursuits of the military art; from childhood they devote
themselves to fatigue and hardships. Those who have remained chaste
for
the longest time, receive the greatest commendation among their
people; they think that by this the growth is promoted, by this the
physical powers are increased and the sinews are strengthened. And to
have had knowledge of a woman before the twentieth year they reckon
among the most disgraceful acts; of which matter there is no
concealment, because they bathe promiscuously in the rivers and
[only] use skins or small cloaks of deer's hides, a large portion of
the body being in consequence naked.
They
do not pay much attention to agriculture, and a large portion of
their food consists in milk, cheese, and flesh; nor has any one a
fixed quantity of land or his own individual limits; but the
magistrates and the leading men each year apportion to the tribes and
families, who have united together, as much land as, and in the place
in which, they think proper, and the year after compel them to remove
elsewhere. For this enactment they advance many reasons-lest seduced
by long-continued custom, they may exchange their ardour
in the waging of war for agriculture; lest they may be anxious to
acquire extensive estates, and the more powerful drive the weaker
from their possessions; lest they construct their houses with too
great a desire to avoid cold and heat; lest the desire of wealth
spring up, from which cause divisions and discords arise; and that
they may keep the common people in a contented state of mind, when
each sees his own means placed on an equality with [those of] the
most powerful."
The
Germanic
culture was 'Heroic'
and warrior based. The tribes were often at war with each other
and the greatest honour was to fight in battle.
The
terrain of Germania was either dense primeval forest, or swamp, marsh
and bog. Tacitus described
it thus:
“Their
country, though somewhat various in appearance yet generally either
bristles with forests or reeks with swamps; … “
So
it was a wild and primitive land indeed for the Romans. But the
policy of Augustus was that Germania from the Rhine to the Elbe would
be incorporated into the Roman Empire.
Cassisu
Dio wrote of Germania at this time:
“The
Romans had a hold on parts of it, not whole regions, but merely those
areas which happened to have been subdued … Meanwhile bodies of
troops were in the habit of wintering there, and cities (poleis) were
being founded: the barbarians were gradually re-shaping their habits
in conformity with the Roman pattern.” Cassius
Dio, 56.18.1
Who:
I
want to start with the ordinary men who were there, about whom we can
only know generalities and make speculations. I will then move on to
the actors in the drama about whom much is known and try to set them
in their proper context.
Publius
Quintilius Varus had been posted to command over the territory
between the Rhine and the Elbe in the autumn of 6 CE. I will write
more about him later, but it is worth noting that he had completed
three years already in this post and could expect to be moved on
again soon.
He
left the main base on the Rhine, possibly in the vicinity of Xanten,
in the spring of 9CE. He had done this before of course. The Roman
task force consisted of three Legiones, (the XVII, the
XVIII and the XVIIII) plus, according to best modern
estimates, 6 auxillia cohorts and 3 auxillia alae. There would also
be a considerable number of 'camp followers' of various sort,
including civilian administrative personnel, observers, personal
following of Varus himself and, possibly, merchants and sellers of
wares of various kinds.
This
would give him a military strength as follows, in rounded numbers:
1.
Three Legiones – 3 x 5,000 = 15,000
2.
Six auxillia infantry cohorts – 6 x 500 = 3,000
3.Three
cavalry ala - 3 x 500 = 1,500
Total
military element 18,500
It
is difficult to estimate how many more than this were also present,
but if we assume about 10% that gives a total number of somewhere in
the region of 20 – 21,000. It is also highly unlikely that military
units were up to full strength. This is rare in any army.
There
were also a number of German tribesmen present, groups of noble and
such, acting in an 'advisory' capacity.
A
legion in line of march would occupy about 1 kilometre, and a cohort
about 100 metres. Cavalry would take up more, say about 1 kilometre.
So in good marching order that gives a length of 6.6 kilometres for
the whole battlegroup. Add in spacing and the all important baggage
train and artillery and we are probably up to 10 – 12 kilometres.
This is assuming they marched 6 abreast and were in very good order,
and marching over good terrain.
This
gives a rough idea of the scale we are dealing with here.
I
find the history and development of the Roman military endlessly
fascinating, I will try to rein myself in her, but some background
knowledge is useful I think.
To
become a Legionary one had to be male, a freeman and a citizen of the
Roman Empire. At this time the majority of the Legionaries were
almost certainly from Italy itself. Over time, as citizenship spread,
the ethnic base of the recruiting pool expanded greatly, but in this
period the Legionaries would be mostly from the towns and villages of
Italia.
Roman
soldiers were professionals, and Legionaries signed on for 20 years
with 5 years in the reserve afterwards. After 20 years they received
their discharge and a grant of land or money. They served for pay,
which was quite good at this time.
The
potential recruit had to appear at a recruitment centre with letters
of reference from his father and, probably, from the family's patron.
He had to be young, mid to late teens seems to have been preferred,
and of a good height. The preference was 6 feet in height. That is
Roman feet, about 290 millimetres, giving an ideal height of 1.75
metres (about 5' 7”).
The
recruits were interviewed, this was called the probatio. A
part of the interview was to ascertain the legal basis of their claim
to citizenship, so the recruits probably had a lot of documentation
with them. They were also examined on their reading and writing
skills as literacy was preferred. After this they were given a
thorough medical examination and a fitness test. If they were
accepted they were given a bag of money and relevant documentation
and told to travel to a particular Legion. It is probable that
recruits travelled in groups.
When
they arrived at their Legion they were sworn in and entered a 4 month
basic training period that was very intense. They trained with
equipment that was double the weight of the real thing, to build
muscle and endurance. They endured long rout marches, a Legion was
expected to cover 30 kilometres a day. They learned how to pitch camp
and dig ditches. Not dissimilar to basic training in more recent
armies.
After
basic training they joined their Legion. They became a member of an 8
man group called a contubernium, under the command of a junior
NCO called a tesserarius. This 8 man squad was the group that
the soldier would live with, work with, play with and fight with for
his entire career, assuming he didn't get killed, posted or promoted.
They were the men who would support him and to whom he developed
loyalty in that face to face 'small group' way that modern
armies are also very well aware of. If he failed, it was these men he
was letting down.
The
contubernium was a 'tent group'. They shared a tent in camp
and a room in a barrack block in permanent forts.
Ten
contubernia made up one century. A century was 80 men strong and
under the command of a Centurion. Centurions were professional
soldiers, they had started in the ranks and had at least 10 years
service before promotion. They were the backbone of the Legion,
experienced and professional. They had a second-in-command called an
Optio, who was waiting for promotion to the Centurionate. In
the century command group there was also a Signifier, who
carried the centuries standard, or signa. There may well have
been musicians too, a tubicen or a cornicen. The signa
and the musicians were to do with control in battle, rallying points,
transmitting commands and so on. The signa was almost sacred to the
soldiers and would be protected in battle.
Each
century had an artillery piece on the strength, a ballista. These
were used in sieges, but also on the battlefield. It is believed they
served in a group, and not in support of their specific century. Much
heavier artillery was available for formal sieges.
The
age range for the ordinary Legionaries would be late-teens to late
forties maybe, older for the centurionate. There was no 'retirement
age' for a centurion. There is evidence of centurions reaching 80
years old while in service.
Six
centuries made up a Cohort, of 480 men. It is
believed that the senior of the 6 centurions in a cohort commanded it
as a tactical element in battle.
Ten
Cohorts made up a Legion, of 4,800 men. Later in the Empires
history, the first Cohort was was reorganised into 5 double
centuries, but in this period it was like the others. The centurions
of the first cohort were higher in rank than all the other centurions
in the Legion and represented the promotion peak for the legionary.
The centurion of the 1st century, 1st Cohort
was the Primus Pilus ('first spear') and he was the
most senior professional soldier in the legion. A
wise Legionary commander would listen closely to this man’s advice.
At
this level there was also the aquilifer, who carried the
aquila, the Eagle Standard of the Legion. An aquila was
issued, by the Emperor, to each Legion and this was a
sacred object. To lose this was the most shameful thing that could
happen to a Legion.
Above
the Centurionate were 6 Tribunes. There were 5 Junior Tribunes
(Tribunus Angusticlavii) under one Senior Tribune (Tribunus
Laticlavii). During this period the junior tribunes were young
aristocrats serving 2 or 3 years in the army as part of the well
structured career path for the Senatorial class. They functioned as
staff officers, but could also command detachments. The senior
tribune was a young aristocrat who had been a junior, then he had
held a few minor political posts in Italy, and then returned to the
army for a further 2 – 3 years. These officers were in a different
class to their men and could look forward to becoming Senators. They
each had their own tent in camp and their own house in forts. The
commander of the Legion was the Legatus Legionis. He would be
a man in his late 30's who had completed all the steps in the career
structure and had entered the Senate. If he had ambitions to become a
Consul he had to have been a legionary commander. They served 2 – 4
years in this capacity. The higher command of the Legion, the
commissioned officers, were not professional soldiers.
Later
during the 1st century CE the tribunate was restructured
so it became a step in a strictly military career for
the eques, the class of 'knights', who would command an
auxiliary infantry cohort, then be promoted to serve as a legionary
tribune, and then be promoted to command a cavalry ala. It
would also open the possibility of higher levels of promotion for the
centurionate.
The
Legion contained within its ranks many specialists – doctors,
surgeons, medical assistants, armourers, blacksmiths, farriers,
builders, carpenters, stonemasons, engineers, architects,
secretaries, clerks and so on. Some of these were highly specialised
and existed as a separate group to the main body, for example the
doctors and surgeons. Others were ordinary soldiers who specialised,
due to their civilian background maybe, in some practical area. All
specialists were immunes, that is immune from ordinary
military fatigues, and received pay bonuses according to their
specialism.
The
Roman Legion was, in fact, the biggest concentrated pool of skilled
labour under the control of the state, and they were used as such.
All large scale building and civil engineering projects were either
carried out by the army, or under their supervision.
There
was a small cavalry element attached to each Legion of 120 men. It is
likely that by this period they functioned mainly as dispatch riders
and had some reconnaissance duties.
In
the year 9 CE the Roman Army had 30 Legions. This number was to remain
very constant for the next 200 years or so. Each Legion was numbered
and usually also had a name. The numbering did not represent any
centralised scheme, but reflected maybe when it was raised initially,
who raised it, where it was raised, and so on. There were, for
example, two Legio IVs, Legio IV Macedonica and Legio IV
Scythica.
When
Augustus emerged as the victor of the Civil Wars and became the first
emperor in 27 BCE there were in existence at least 60 Legions, it was
Augustus who disbanded and merged to produce 30 Legions as a more
manageable and affordable number.
The
Auxillia
From
its earliest days the Roman Army had used allied forces in a
supporting role. The Legion was heavy infantry intended to function
in formation in set-piece battles. The Legion needed other types of
infantry, light infantry, missile troops such as slingers or archers,
and, of course, cavalry. These formations were known, collectively,
as the Auxillia and as the Legion itself evolved over time so, too,
did the Auxillia.
When
Augustus came to power he was left with the remnants of 1,000's of
these formations. As with the Legions he reorganised these and set
them on a permanent and more thoroughly organised basis.
By
the early 1st Century CE the Auxillia was a branch of the
regular army and a very important one. The two main arms of the
Auxillia were the infantry cohorts and the cavalry ala (wings).
The infantry cohorts were identical in organisation to the cohorts of
the legions themselves, coming under the command of a Tribune. The
cavalry ala were organised into 16 Turmae of 30 troopers which
were commanded by a Decurion, under the overall command of a
Præfectus. This gives a strength of 480 troopers.
Over
time variations on this organisational theme led too larger Auxillia
units and specialised units combining cavalry and infantry being
created.
The
units were typically named after their type, area were they were
first raised or their size. For example:
Cohors
quinta Delmatarum
- "5th Cohort of Dalmatae" - a unit
of infantry initially raised from the Dalmatae of Illyria. Presumably
the fifth one to be raised there. This unit is known to have served
in Germany at some point.
Ala
Augusta Gallorum Petriana - “The August Petrian Wing of
Gauls” - a cavalry unit raised initially in Gaul. Known to have
served in Britain.
There
exist lists of these units now in various books and online.
The
men who enlisted in the Auxillia were not Roman citizens and they
served for 25 years. Upon discharge they received a Diplomata
conferring Roman citizenship upon them and their
descendants. In this way citizenship spread rapidly throughout the
Empire.
The
Auxillia were just as professional and just as well trained and
equipped as the Legionaries. There was greater variation in uniform
and equipment amongst the Auxillia however. Most of the Auxillia
Cohortes were medium-heavy infantry, not dissimilar to the Legions.
Some were light infantry and skirmishers, and some were specialised
as missile troops, especially archers in this period. The cavalry
came in many types, light cavalry for reconnaissance, and
medium/heavy cavalry for shock action on the battlefield. Very heavy
cavalry came much later.
The
commanding officers of these units were increasingly drawn from the
eques social class, ('knights'), or the Roman
middle-class. And they could make a career out of this by starting as
a commander of an infantry cohort. Being promoted to a tribuneship of
a legion, and then onto command a cavalry unit.
The
Auxillia units were attached to a Legion headquarters ('brigaded'
with them) and came under the orders of the Legatus Legionis. It
seems likely that Legionary Tribunes were placed in command of battle
groups formed from the Auxillia as needed.
In
the year 24 CE the total size of the Roman Army has been estimated at:
Legions 125,000
Auxillia 125,000
Praetorian
Guard 5,000
255,000
With
a population in the Empire of about 50 million at this time, that is
a tiny proportion that could easily be maintained by volunteers,
creating a very high standard of professionalism in the Roman
Imperial Army throughout the 1st and 2nd
Centuries CE.
All
of the Roman troops that fought at Teutoberger were well trained and
well equipped professionals, with a lot of experience amongst their
centurions and decurions.
Very
little is known of any individuals involved in this campaign. The
Roman governor and commander of the task force was Publius
Quinctilius Varus, who
was about 55 years old at the time. He was born in Cremona in Italy
in 46 BCE. He was a patrician and an
aristocrat
by birth, but his families
fortunes had not been good and they were, in fact, a very minor and
not particularly
influential
family at the time he was born.
 |
| A coin of Varus |
 |
| A reconstruction of Varus head. |
He
married three times, although the details of his first wife are
unknown. In 14
BCE, Varus married his second wife Vipsania
Marcella Agrippina.
She
was great-niece to Augustus himself, and Varus became a member of the
imperial family and a close friend of the Emperor. Vipsania died at
some unknown point in time and Varus married again. He married
Augustus' grand-niece Claudia
Pulchra.
She outlived Varus by 17 or 18 years, so she would have been with him
in Germany, but almost certainly not with the battle-group.
He
had very good links with the Imperial family by now, both by marriage
and by friendship. Varus was appointed governor of the province of
Africa in 7 BCE and later Syria 6-4 BCE. In Syria he became disliked
for his very harsh methods and high taxes. After King Herod of Judea
died in 4 BCE there was a Jewish uprising and Varus put it down
harshly, occupied the Temple in Jerusalem, and crucified 2,000
rebels.
He
returned to Rome in 4 BCE and remained there for some years, pursuing
a Senatorial career and a working as a lawyer and judge. He had a
good reputation as a lawyer, organiser and administrator.
In
6 CE the area of Germania between the Rhine and the Elbe was declared
pacified and Varus was appointed governor and tasked to begin the
process of 'Romanisation'.
He would have
traveled
north from Rome with an extensive entourage. His family would almost
certainly have traveled with him, and his personal clients and
supporters. There would
have been an entire army of administrators, secretarial
and clerical staff too.
Only
two other named Romans are known in connection with the Teutoberg
disaster. One was a Legate on Varus' staff called Numonius
Vala. The
other was
Marcus Caelius, senior Centurion of the XVIII Legion. More will be
said about them later.
The
Germans:
The
Germanic peoples were a group of tribes that moved into the area of
Germania Magna before 100 BCE. As interesting as that process was, I
do not intend to write about it here. It appears that they were
called the Germani by the Celtic tribes already there. A name
that Julius Caesar adopted and so transmitted it into general Roman
usage. They were a group of distinct tribes with a common material,
social, political and economic culture. They were 'warrior'
societies with a 'Heroic' culture. Some of the tribes were
large and influential, some were smaller and many were very small.
They were fiercely independent and rarely, very rarely, united
together, but fought each other frequently.
These
tribes lived in small, widely scattered, communities hacked out of
the primeval wilderness in a land of forests, mountains, rivers and
swamps. Life was simple and hard.
Warrior
values were held in high esteem. All males were expected to become,
and aspired to be, great warriors. When they fought all the able
bodied men fought as a 'mob'. They fought as individual warriors
attempting to achieve or emulate great feats of heroism on the
battlefield. Only the wealthy had armour, most fought in their
everyday clothes, and some fought naked. They used long, heavy swords
and fought with long arcing blows from an overhead position. Because
of this style of fighting they appeared very, very terrifying.
Charging as a mass into combat with a range of blood chilling battle
cries. However, they were no match for the Roman army and its
discipline, training, organisation and well developed tactics. The
Romans fought as a unit, using their shields both for offence and
defence, and their short, stabbing swords flashing in and out between
the shields and into the belly of the opponent, under the ribcage and
up. It was a killing machine.
It
was in this way that the Romans had pacified the area between the
Rhine and the Elbe in the previous years.
The
tribes were led by chiefs and chieftains who, while in principle not
hereditary positions, in practice usually were.
The
son of one of these chiefs was to play a major role in the
events of 9 CE.
Arminius
was born in 19 BCE or in 18 BCE, the son of Segimerus, who was the
chief of the Cheruscan tribe. He was educated in Rome, where he had
been held hostage as a child, and trained as a Roman military
officer. He was granted both citizenship and equestrian status, a
sign that he was regarded as thoroughly 'Romanised'. He
commanded a battle group of Auxillia fighting in the Balkans around
4 CE. He had, then, Roman education, Roman military training and Roman
military experience.
Sometime
between 4 CE and 7/8 CE he returned to his home with the Cherusci. At
some point he married Thusnelda, a Cheruscan princess and daughter of
the Cheruscan nobleman Segestes. The marriage was opposed by the
brides father and this led to a lifelong hatred of Arminius by
Segestes that was to have repercussions later.
Segestes
was in favour of the increasing Romanisation. An important part of
the Romanisation process for the Romans was bringing the local rulers
in on the project. Many tribes had begun to see definite benefits in
Roman rule, despite the taxation. Arminius, however, was opposed to
the presence of the Romans and he worked hard to unify the tribes to
resist it.
There
is a whole web of political intrigue here, I think, that is lost to
us now. But Arminius must have been an intelligent and, perhaps,
charismatic character. And he worked hard behind the scenes
eventually getting agreement from the
Cherusci, and their allies the Marsi, Chatti, Bructeri, Chauci, and
Sicambri. Six
tribes out of about 50 agreed to unite behind him.
What
his
motivation was is unclear at this late stage. Maybe it was just
liberation, but I think that it is possible that he saw himself as
founding a dynasty of 'kings'
over a super-tribal grouping and saw the opposition to the Romans as
a way to achieve this.
He
was certainly a member of Varus' staff by 8 CE and regarded as a loyal
ally and, possibly, even a good friend by Varus. Varus, of course,
had many Germanic people on his staff, or attached to it, as liaison
officers with the various tribes, and maybe Arminius functioned as a
sort of 'chief
of staff'
due to his education and experience. That is just my speculation, but
he certainly had a great deal of influence with Varus.
As
previously described Varus took up his position as governor of
Germania in 6 CE. As a governors tour of duty was usually 3 years he
would have been looking forward to getting back to Rome at the end of
the year 9 CE. He had had to carry out a few minor 'police
actions'
to keep some of the tribes in line, but otherwise it had been a
trouble free period of office for him. We can only use our fantasy,
based on information from other areas, as to what he busied himself
with. As stated, he was to continue with the Romanisation of the new
province. Every spring he would set out with his battle group, his
followers, his staff, administrators, surveyors, merchants and such
and move through his territory. He would be in close contact with the
tribes and with the various project leaders engaged in establishing
roads and settlements. There is some archaeological evidence that
this process was further advanced than had previously been believed.
He
would also be responsible for beginning the tax assessment system
used by the Romans. He was known to be a cruel and rather greedy man,
and it is possible that he exploited this a little too harshly.
By
the late summer of 9 CE his
column was in the vicinity of the modern German city of Detmold. He
was preparing for the return march to the Rhine, and his soldiers
would be looking forward to returning to their forts and winter
quarters, and possibly some leave.
Arminius
informed Varus at this time that a serious Germanic rebellion had
started to the north-east of their current position, and that if he
moved directly it could be stopped. This meant moving through dense
primal forest and swampland. Roman military writers spent a great
deal of time discussing the formation and disposition of the marching
column, and with good reason. Ancient armies moved in one formation,
but fought in another and time was needed to deploy from column of
march to combat formation. Therefore, armies in column of march were
very vulnerable to surprise attack. The ancient writers who discuss
this topic go to great length to describe the make up of the column
and the use of good flank and rear guards and good reconnaissance and
intelligence. They also advise strongly against moving in column of
march through narrow passes or dense woodland in hostile territory.
Varus
disregarded all this well establish march doctrine when he took his
column into the Teutoberg forest. For intelligence he chose to depend
totally
on his German advisers, particularly Arminius. The terrain was so
difficult that good tactical reconnaissance or flank guarding was
impossible. Interestingly Segestes, Arminius' father-in-law and
political opponent, warned Varus of a trap. He chose to ignore this
warning, possibly because he trusted Arminius and he would know that
Arminius and Segestes were at odds.
I
can only imagine the feelings of the Centurions when they received
their movement orders. The
whole situation must have screamed Danger
AMBUSH
at these professional soldiers. Varus must have been warned by his
professional military staff, but he chose to ignore them. Maybe he
wanted a glorious victory before the end of his governorship. This
always meant a lot to Roman aristocrats.
The
column would be at least 10 – 15 kilometres long, and when it
entered the depths of the forest it would really begin to straggle. I
can imagine soldiers struggling and swearing their way over very
difficult going, while Centurions desperately tried to maintain some
sort of formation. Supply wagons, a lot of them, drawn by bellowing oxen.
Cavalry trying to probe ahead in terrible terrain. Civilian camp
followers feeling really very afraid. Shouts, calls, swearing,
creaking, bellowing, neighing.
And
it was raining. It was raining very heavily.
As
soon as the column entered the forest Arminius and his followers
disappeared, and as soon as the column was committed to the forest,
the attacks started. It is estimated that Arminius had about 20,000 warriors, including some mounted nobility.
For
four days and nights the German tribes attacked. Hit and run,
guerilla tactics. They had the luxury of being able to concentrate at
one spot on the long column, attack, fall back and disappear. They
also knew this terrain intimately.
And
all the time it was raining.
The
Roman infantry could not deploy in this terrible terrain, but I
imagine that they put up a good fight, at least at first. The Roman
archers could not use their bows, the rain made the sinew bow strings
slack. If the legions had their artillery with them it would have
just
been
an encumbrance. At
night the Romans would not be able to make camp, light fires, or
prepare food. The Roman tactical communication system based on the
sight of the standards and the sound of the instruments would break
down. The column was stretched out, and fragmenting, and the trees
and the rain blocked sight and distorted sound.
As
the days passed morale would have fallen, as the losses mounted and
the warriors kept attacking. Never knowing if they would attack here,
or there. Officers would fall, and standard bearers. The otherwise
superb army medical system would break under the strain.
Eventually,
the cavalry element attached to the task force made a break for it,
and Numonius
Vala, a legate mentioned earlier, abandoned his post and went with
them. Many of the cavalry troopers made it back to safety, but Vala
was caught by Germanic cavalry and killed.
On
the fourth day the tired, depleted, thirsty, hungry column entered an
area where the forest opened up a little, with a swamp to the north.
Here Arminius had built a series of wicker walls to give cover and provide rallying points for his men. He had created a killing ground for the
final blow.
The
majority of Romans died here, their last stand. Some did make it to
safety, but not many. Varus committed suicide, probably by the
traditional Roman method, falling on his sword.
We
know that the Germans took many prisoners who they then tortured and
executed in a variety of terrible ways. They also took the three
Legionary Aquila, or Eagle Standards.
Eventually,
survivors reached the Rhine, and within days of that the news reached
Rome. The Roman state went into panic mode. There was now no major
Roman force between Rome and the Rhine. Emperor Augustus went into
shock and it is said that he would, from time to time, ever
afterwards bang his head on the wall and cry out 'Quintillius
Varus give me back my Legions!' He
commemorated the anniversary of the disaster for the rest of his
life.
Because
it was a disaster. Three Roman Legions had been destroyed and a
province lost. The three legionary numbers were never used again,
with one very brief exception during the reign of Nero.
However,
despite Roman fears it was not Arminius' intention to invade Rome.
Almost immediately after his stunning victory his tribal alliance
began to fall apart. He
faced opposition from his father-in-law, who led a group opposing any
ambitions Arminius had. But, he hung onto some power for a while, and
even fought a short war against another breakaway tribe.
The
Romans, meanwhile, carefully prepared their revenge. They rebuilt the
forces destroyed in the Teutoberger forest, and more. Shortly after
Augustus died and Tiberius became Emperor on 19th August
14 CE, the Romans launched a large raid into Germania led by the
Emperors nephew, Germanicus (father to the future emperor known as
Caligula). They defeated one tribe in battle and successfully
repulsed an attempted ambush.
In
the year 15 CE Germanicus led a major invasion of Germania at the head
of a Roman army of about 70,000 troops, plus fleet support on the
rivers. They carried out two major campaigns that defeated several
tribes, they also captured Arminius' wife, Thusnelda. It was during
these operations that the site of the ambush in 9 CE was discovered.
They found mounds of bones, stripped of any useful weapons and
equipment. They found extensive evidence of torture and bloody
executions. Germanicus ordered the site cleaned up and bones to be
recovered and identified if possible, and then buried correctly.
Although
the Germans usually avoided set piece battle, by constantly probing
and attacking, in 16CE Germanicus successfully forced Arminius to
take the field in command of a very split and fractious confederation
of tribes. The eventual battle took place at Idistavisus, near Minden
in modern Germany, with a force of approximately 50,000 Romans (four
Legions plus Auxillia) against a similar number of tribal warriors.
It was a total defeat for Arminius and the Germans lost 20,000 plus,
the Romans maybe 10,000. The lost legionary Eagles were recovered.
Germanicus
withdrew to winter quarters on the Rhine and all further military
operations in Germania were stopped, due to the excessive cost for little return. Rome
would never again attempt to conquer Germania Magna. Arminius fled the battlefield. He was assassinated in 21 CE by his political enemies who believed that he was becoming too powerful.
Arminius' wife, Thunelda, remained in Rome for the rest of her life. She was pregnant when she was captured and had a son, Thumelicus. The Roman historian Tacitus is known to have written the story of this son, but it has been lost to us.
And
that is the significance to European history of this battle, or
ambush. From that point two cultural streams came to dominate
in Europe, a southern Romance one, the legacy of Rome, and a
Northern Germanic/Scandinavian one. This split has reverberated down the 2000
years since then in so many ways.
Marcus Caelius was primus pilus of the XVIII Legion. His tombstone was discovered in 1620. We tend to forget this fact, but the ancients painted their statues and stone work. An ancient city would, in fact, have been a blaze of colour, rather garish to our eyes.
